Elder Miller's Prayer

"Good Lord, Our God that art in Heaven, we have great reason to thank Thee for the many battles we have won. There is the great and glorious battle of King's Mountain, where we kilt the great Gineral Ferguson and took his whole army ; and the great battle at Ramseur's and Williamson's : and the iver memorable and glorious battle of the Coopens, where we made the proud Gineral Tarleton run doon the road healter-skelter, and Good Lord, if ye had na suffered the cruel Tories to burn Billy Hill's iron works, we would na have asked any mair favors at Thy hands. Amen." 

—John Miller, civilian and Presbyterian elder, Rutherford County, North Carolina

Cowpens, Greene, Morgan & SnailMail

General Nathanael Greene, unaware that the Battle of Cowpens had already taken place two days prior, wrote to General Daniel Morgan on 19 January 1781 regarding taking on British commander Banastre Tarleton and his legion:
"I do not wish you should come to action unless you have a manifest superiority, and a moral certainty of succeeding. Put nothing to the hazard. A retreat may be disagreeable, but not disgraceful. Regard not the opinions of the day. It is not our business to risk too much. Our affairs are in too critical a situation, and require time and nursing to give them a better tone."

That very same day, 19 January 1781, Daniel Morgan had been writing his post-battle report to Nathanael Greene:
"On the evening of the 16th the enemy occupied the ground we had removed from in the morning. An hour before daylight one of my scouts informed me that they had advanced within five miles of our camp. On this information the necessary dispositions were made, and, from the alacrity of the troops, we were soon prepared to receive them. The light infantry, commanded by Lieut. Col. Howard, and the Virginia militia under Major Triplett, were formed on a rising ground; the third regiment of dragoons, consisting of about 80 men, under the command of Lieut. Col. Washington were so posted in their rear, as not to be injured by the enemy fire, and yet to be able to charge them, should an occasion offer; the volunteers from North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, under the command of Colonel Pickens, were posted to guard the flanks; Major Mc Dowal [sic, McDowell], of the North Carolina volunteers was posted on the right flank, in front of the line 150 yards; Major Cunningham, of the Georgia volunteers, on the left, at the same distance in front; Colonels Brannons and Thomas, of the South Carolina volunteers, on the right of Major Mc Dowal; and Colonels Hayes and McCall, of the same corps, on the left of Major Cunningham; Captains Tate and Buchanan, with the Augusta riflemen, were to support the right of the line."

The Waxhaw Massacre, 29 May 1780

Upon the outbreak of war in 1775, Abraham Buford, a native of Culpeper County, Virginia, organized a company of minutemen. By May 1778 he had achieved the rank of Colonel in the Continental Army, and assumed command of the 11th Virginia Regiment in September the same year. In April 1780 Buford was reassigned to lead the 3rd Virginia Regiment southward into the Carolinas. He was to relieve General Benjamin Lincoln in Charleston while that port city continued under British siege. After Buford entered the South Carolina backcountry of the Waxhaws, however, he received news of Lincoln’s surrender to the British, and he turned his Virginia troops northward again, as ordered. 

The Waxhaws, a geographic region in the Piedmont of the Catawba River valley, was named for its earliest known inhabitants—the Waxhaw Indians. The tribe had been decimated by war and disease, and by 1715 the area was essentially uninhabited. By 1740 Scots-Irish and other immigrants had entered the land and established settlements. The fertile hunting ground of the Waxhaws spanned, after the border was eventually drawn, the North and South Carolina state lines. 

Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton was a British cavalry officer with a reputation for ruthless brutality that earned him the nicknames “Bloody Ban” and “Butcher.” On 29 May 1780 Tarleton’s force of about 130 cavalry, 100 infantry, and 40 British “Green Dragoons” overtook Colonel Buford’s 350 (or 380, per Tarleton) Virginia Continentals in the woods near Lancaster, South Carolina. As evidenced in their exchanged dispatches, Buford, at the outset, declined Tarleton’s option to surrender. Only after an early onset of heavy casualties did Buford order his troops to raise a flag of surrender. 

Buford now perceiving that further resistance was hopeless, ordered a flag to be hoisted and the arms to be grounded, expecting the usual treatment sanctioned by civilized warfare. This, however, made no part of Tarleton’s creed. His ostensible pretext, for the relentless barbarity that ensued, was, that his horse was killed under him just as the flag was raised. He affected to believe that this was done afterwards, and imputed it to treachery on the part of Buford; but, in reality, a safe opportunity was presented to gratify that thirst for blood which marked his character in every conjuncture that promised probable impunity to himself. Ensign Cruit, who advanced with the flag, was instantly cut down. Viewing this as an earnest of what they were to expect, a resumption of their arms was attempted, to sell their lives as dearly as possible; but before this was fully effected, Tarleton with his cruel myrmidons was in the midst of them, when commenced a scene of indiscriminate carnage never surpassed by the ruthless atrocities of the most barbarous savages. 

The demand for quarters, seldom refused to a vanquished foe, was at once found to be in vain; —not a man was spared—and it was the concurrent testimony of all the survivors, that for fifteen minutes after every man was prostrate. They went over the ground plunging their bayonets into every one that exhibited any signs of life, and in some instances, where several had fallen one over the other, these monsters were seen to throw off on the point of the bayonet the uppermost, to come at those beneath.

—Letter from Dr Robert Brownfield* to William Dobein James, excerpt

Local residents who had not fled tended to the casualties. The same afternoon of the battle 84 dead were buried together in a mass grave. The following day 25 more were buried in a second mass grave. The wounded were taken to nearby Waxhaws Church for care. Mrs Elizabeth Jackson served there as a nurse along with her sons, 16-year-old Robert and 13-year-old Andrew, who would carry these memories with him as a commander into the War of 1812.

“Tarleton’s Quarter” became a rallying cry among the Patriots, albeit a sarcastic one, which translated to: no quarter whatsoever. The slogan gained a motivational momentum, driving many much-needed new recruits into the partisan militia. The backcountry Scots-Irish communities were particularly responsive. Loyalist recruitment declined in inverse proportion. Loyalist desertions increased in step.

The Waxhaws battle became historically controversial. After breaking Buford’s line Tarleton’s dragoons slaughtered many partisans that reportedly had surrendered and asked for quarter, literally hacking them down and apart with their sabres. Some sources, such as partisan Surgeon’s Mate Robert Brownfield and Buford’s Adjutant Henry Bowyer, claimed that Buford raised a white flag, however belated, that was ignored by Tarleton. 

“The officers commanding platoons on Beaufort’s left, being all killed, and the command thrown into confusion, Adjutant Bowyer was ordered to advance with a flag, and to say to Tarleton, that he was willing to accept the terms offered before the action began. The Adjutant remonstrated by saying, that as the firing still continued, the execution of the order would be impracticable, exposing the bearer of the flag to the shot of both parties. Beaufort repeated his orders, in positive terms, and the Adjutant rode forward, with a handkerchief displayed on the point of his sword. When close to the British commander, he delivered Beaufort's message, but a ball at the moment striking the forehead of Tarleton’s horse, he plunged and both fell to the ground, the horse being uppermost. Extricated by his men from so perilous a position, the exasperated Colonel rose from the ground, and ordered the soldiers to despatch him. They immediately gathered round, and several cuts were made at him, which he had the good fortune to parry and avoid. By this time, Captain John Stokes and Lieut. Willison, who occupied a position opposite to that where the Adjutant was surrounded by the British Dragoons, and saw the danger impending over him, directed their platoons to fire at the group. They were well obeyed, and the bullets thrown among the party around the Adjutant, frightening the horses, gave him an opportunity of dashing through them, and effecting his escape unhurt. His horse was seriously wounded, but not sufficiently so to prevent his carrying his master to a place of security. The overwhelming force of the British then prevailed, and a dreadful massacre of the detachment followed. The rage of the British soldiers, excited by the continued fire of the Americans, while a negotiation was offered by flag, impelled them to acts of vengeance that knew no limits."

—Adjutant Henry Bowyer

Banastre Tarleton’s 1787 account set the scene for a massacre. His horse had been shot from under him during the initial volley. While Tarleton was briefly pinned beneath the horse, word rapidly, and most mistakenly, spread among his men that their commander had been killed.

“The loss of officers and men was great on the part of the Americans, owing to the dragoons so effectually breaking the infantry, and to a report amongst the cavalry, that they had lost their commanding officer, which stimulated the soldiers to a vindictive asperity not easily restrained.”

—Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton

The vengeful slaughter was not restrained. Of Colonel Buford’s approximately 350 men, 113 were killed and 203 captured, 150 of whom were so badly wounded that they were left behind. Tarleton’s casualties were 5 killed and 12 wounded. The affair became known as the Waxhaw Massacre. “Buford” would become the countersign at Kings Mountain later the same year. In January 1781, the patriot watchword for the Battle of Cowpens would be “Buford's Play.”

* Dr Robert Brownfield served as a Surgeon’s Mate in the regiment of Colonel Abraham Buford.

Gen. George Washington, re: Cowpens

General George Washington, to the President of Congress:

17 February 1781. 

General [Daniel] Morgan's signal victory over Colonel [Banastre] Tarleton [at Cowpens] with the flower of the British Army reflects the highest honor upon our arms, and I hope at least be attended with this advantage, that it will check the offensive operations of the enemy until General [Nathanael] Greene shall have collected a much more respectable force than he had under his command by the last accounts from him. I am apprehensive that the Southern States will look upon this victory as much more decisive in its consequences than it really is, and will relax in their exertions. It is to be wished that the gentlemen of Congress who have interests in those States would remove such ideas, if any such should be found to exist, and rather stimulate them to redouble their efforts to crush an enemy, pretty severely shaken by the two successful strokes upon [Patrick] Ferguson [at Kings Mountain] and Tarleton.

(Letter dated 17 Feb 1781 from Gen. George Washington to the President of Congress, excerpt)

Private James Collins, re: Cowpens

from Autobiography of a Revolutionary Soldier, by James Collins, Clinton, Louisiana: Feliciana Democrat, 1859:

It was not long until it became necessary for us to seek safety by joining Morgan, who was encamped at the Cowpens, but we were not permitted to remain long idle, for Tarleton came on like a thunder storm, which soon put us to our best mettle. After the tidings of his approach came into camp–in the night–we were all awakened, ordered under arms, and formed in order of battle by daybreak. About sunrise on the 17th January, 1781, the enemy came into full view. The sight, to me at least, seemed somewhat imposing; they halted for a short time, and then advanced rapidly, as if certain victory. The militia under Pickins and Moffitt, was posted on the right of the regulars some distance in advance, while Washington's cavalry was stationed in the rear. We gave the enemy one fire, when they charged us with their bayonets; we gave way and retreated for our horses, Tarleton's cavalry pursued us; ("now," thought I, "my hide is in the loft;") just as we got to our horses, they overtook us and began to make a few hacks at some, however, without doing much injury. They, in their haste, had pretty much scattered, perhaps, thinking they would have another Fishing creek frolic, but in a few moments, Col. Washington's cavalry was among them, like a whirlwind, and the poor fellows began to kneel from their horses, without being able to remount. The shock was so sudden and violent, they could not stand it, and immediately betook themselves to flight; there was no time to rally, and they appeared to be as hard to stop as a drove of wild Choctaw steers, going to a Pennsylvania market. In a few moments the clashing of swords was out of hearing and quickly out of sight; by this time, both lines of the infantry were warmingly engaged and we being relieved from the pursuit of the enemy began to rally and prepare to redeem our credit, when Morgan rode up in front, and waving his sword, cried out, "Form, form, my brave fellows! give them one more fire and the day is ours. Old Morgan, was never beaten." We then advanced briskly, and gained the right flank of the enemy, and they being hard pressed in front, by Howard, and falling very fast, could not stand it long. They began to throw down their arms, and surrender themselves prisoners of war. The whole army, except Tarleton and his horsemen, fell into the hands of Morgan, together with all the baggage. After the fight was over, the sight was truly melancholy. The dead on the side of the British, exceeded the number killed at the battle of King's Mountain, being if I recollect aright, three hundred, or upwards. The loss, on the side of the Americans, was only fifteen or sixteen, and a few slightly wounded. This day, I fired my little rifle five times whether with any effect or not, I do not know. Next day after receiving some small share of the plunder, and taking care to get as much powder as we could, we (the militia) were disbanded and returned to our old haunts, where we obtained a few day's rest.

John Hugh McDowell, re: the Josephs McDowell

From History of the McDowells and Connections, by John Hugh McDowell, pub. 1918, C. B. Johnston:

Joe, of Pleasant Garden, was a mere boy at the commencement of the Revolutionary War. Young as he was, he immediately went into active service in the Patriotic Army. He soon was promoted to the rank of major, in which his cousin Charles was colonel. He was engaged with it in every fight where his cousin commanded. When his cousin Charles retired from the command of the Burke and Rutherford Regiment he was placed in command. At the battle of King's Mountain he commanded the regiment, and Colonel Joe, of Quaker Meadows, commanded the right wing of a ‘portion’ of the regiment ‘under him.’ Hence, there is a dispute, which had the chief command in that gallant struggle. They were equally brave, equally patriotic, and equally able. One is known as Major Joe of Pleasant Garden, the other as Colonel Joe of Quaker Meadows. Both were at the Cowpens, where Colonel Tarleton succumbed to the sturdy blows of Col. Morgan. Major Joe possessed the fighting qualities which distinguished the family in all its branches. In the Rutherford campaign he killed an Indian in a hand-to-hand fight. He served from the beginning of the war to the close. He was not only a distinguished fighter, but an able statesman and civilian. He was a lawyer by profession. Several of his law books are now in my possession, in which he signed his own name. His autograph is "J. McDowell, P. G."

The Backcountry & the Scots-Irish

From The 1780 Presbyterian Rebellion and the Battle of Huck's Defeat, by Sam Thomas, Curator of History, Culture & Heritage Commission of York County:

In the Backcountry, due to their isolation from the coast, past resentments could be put aside - at least temporarily. When war arrived after 1776, at first the Scotch-Irish were rather lukewarm toward the idea of independence from Great Britain. Here they were content to remain neutral so long as they were left alone. The conflict as most of the Scotch-Irish saw it was between the British Crown and the Charleston aristocrats, whom they resented as much as the British officials and so it did not involve them. But the problems between the Backcountry and the Crown finally boiled to the surface in 1780 as "The Presbyterian Rebellion." In 1778 an unknown Hessian officer recorded his observations on the war. "Call this war by whatever name you may, only call it not an American Rebellion: it is nothing more or less than a Scotch-Irish Presbyterian Rebellion." George Washington also remarked on the contribution to the war effort with a tribute to the Scotch-Irish from his headquarters at Valley Forge when he declared, "If defeated everywhere else, I will make my last stand for liberty among the Scotch-Irish . . ." It is this Backcountry Rebellion which is so closely identified with the battles of Kings Mountain, Cowpens, Hanging Rock, and Huck's Defeat.

Morgan to Snickers, re: Cowpens

General Daniel Morgan to his friend William Snickers, 26 January 1781:

"When you Left me, you remember I was desirous to have a Stroke at Tarleton–my wishes are Gratified, & [I] have Given him a devil of a whiping, a more compleat victory never was obtained. ...a Great thing indeed"

The Gratitude of Congress, re: Cowpens

March 9, 1781

The United States, in Congress assembled, considering it as a tribute due to distinguished merit to give a public approbation to the conduct of Brigadier General Morgan and of the officers and men under his command on the 17th of January last, when with eighty cavalry and two hundred and thirty-seven infantry of the troops of the United States and five hundred and fifty-three militia from the States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia he obtained a complete and important victory over a select and well appointed detachment of more than eleven hundred British Troops commanded by Lieut. Col. Tarleton, do therefore resolve,
That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled be given to Brigadier General Morgan and the men under his command for the fortitude and good conduct displayed in the action at the Cowpens, in the State of South Carolina, on the seventeenth day of January last: That a medal of gold be presented to Brigadier-General Morgan, a medal of silver to Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, of the Cavalry, and one of silver to Lieutenant-Colonel Howard, of the Infantry of the United States, severally, with emblems and mottoes descriptive of the conduct of those officers respectively on that memorable day.
That a sword be presented to Colonel Pickens, of the Militia, in testimony of his spirited conduct in the action before mentioned.
That Major Edward Giles, aid-de-camp to Brigadier-General Morgan, have the brevet commission of a Major; and that Baron de Glabuck. who served with Brigadier-General Morgan as a Volunteer, have the brevet commission of a captain in the Army of the United States in consideration of their merit and services.
Ordered that the commanding officers in the Southern Department communicate these resolutions in general orders.

(Source: Cowpens Papers: Being Correspondence of General Morgan and the Prominent Actors, from the collection of Theodorus Bailey Myers, pp. 37-38)

Morgan to Greene, re: Cowpens (Part 2)

A List of the Commissioned Officers in the Action of 17th January, 1781
Of the Light Infantry.
John E. Howard, Lt.-Col. Commd'g.
Benj. Brooks, Captain and Brig. Major.
Captains Robert Sherwood, Delaware.
Anderson, Maryland.
Dobson, do.
Lieutenants Ewing, do.
Watkins, do.
Hanson, do.
Barnes, do.
Miller, do.
King, do.
Dyer, do.
Smith, do.
Of the Third Battalion of Dragoons.
Lieut.-Col. Washington, Virginia.
Major Richard Call, do.
Captain Berrett, do.
Lieutenant Bell, do.
Cornet Simmons, South Carolina.
Of the Maryland State Battalion.
Edward Giles, Major and Act'g. A. D. C.
Of the Virginia Militia.
Major Triplett, Ensigns Combs,
Captains Backus, McCorkill,
Tate, Wilson.
Gilmore.
The Baron de Glabuck served as volunteer in Gen. [Daniel] Morgan's family, and Mr. Andrews with Col. [William] Washington's battalion. Col. [Andrew] Pickens and all the officers in his corps behaved well; but from their having so lately joined the detachment it has been impossible to collect all their names and rank so that the General does not particularize any lest it should be doing injustice to others.
By order of Brig.-Gen. Morgan.
EDWARD GILES, A. D. C.

(Source: Cowpens Papers: Being Correspondence of General Morgan and the Prominent Actors, from the collection of Theodorus Bailey Myers, pp. 24-28)

Morgan to Greene, re: Cowpens (Part 1)

General Morgan to General Greene–
Report on the Battle of Cowpens
Camp on Cain Creek on Pedee
January 19th, 1781.

Dear Sir–The troops I have the honor to command have gained a complete victory over a detachment from the British Army commanded by Lieut.-Col. Tarleton. It happened on the 17th inst., about sunrise, at a place called the Cowpens, near Pacolet River. On the 14th, having received intelligence that the British Army were in motion, and that their movements clearly indicated the intention of dislodging me, I abandoned my encampment at Glendale Ford, and on the 16th, in the evening, took possession of a post about seven miles from Chroke on Broad River. My former position subjected me at once to the operations of Lord Cornwallis and Colonel Tarleton, and in case of a defeat my retreat might easily have been cut off. My situation at Cowpens enabled me to improve any advantage that I might gain and to provide better for my security should I be unfortunate. These reasons induced me to take this post, notwithstanding it had the appearance of a retreat. On the evening of the 16th, the enemy occupied the ground we had removed from in the morning. One hour before daylight one of my scouts informed me that they had advanced within five miles of our camp. On this information the necessary dispositions were made. From the activity of the troops we were soon prepared to receive them. The light infantry commanded by Lt.-Col. Howard, and the Virginia Militia under Major Triplett, were formed on a rising ground. The Third Regiment of Dragoons, consisting of about 80 men, under command of Lt. Col. Washington, were so posted in the rear as not to be injured by the enemy's fire, and yet to be able to charge them should an occasion offer; the Volunteers from North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia under the command of Col. Pickens were posted to guard the flanks. Major McDowal, of the North Carolina Volunteers, were posted on the right flank in front of the line 150 yards. Major Cunningham, of the Georgia Volunteers, on the left, at the same distance in front, Colonels Brannon and Thomas, of the South Carolina Volunteers, on the right of Major McDowal, and Colonels Hays and McCall of the same corps to the left of Major Cunningham. Capts. Tate and Buchanan, with the Augusta Riflemen, were to support the right of the line. The enemy drew up in one line four hundred yards in front of our advanced corps. The first battalion of the 71st Regiment was opposed to our right, the 7th to our left, the Legion Infantry to our centre, and two companies of the light troops, 100 each, on our flanks. In their front they moved two pieces of artillery, and Lieut.-Col. Tarleton, with 280 cavalry, was posted in the rear of the line. The disposition being thus made, small parties of riflemen were detached to skirmish with the enemy, on which the whole line advanced with the greatest impetuosity, shouting as they advanced. Majors McDowal and Cunningham gave them a heavy and galling fire, and retreated to the regiments intended for their support; the whole of Col. Pickens' command then kept up a fire by regiments, retreating agreeable to orders. When the enemy advanced on our lines they received a well directed and incessant fire, but their numbers being superior to ours they gained our flanks, which obliged us to change our position. We retired, in good order, about fifty paces, formed and advanced on the enemy and gave them a brisk fire, which threw them into disorder. Lieut.-Col. Howard observing this gave orders for the line to charge bayonets, which was done with such address that the enemy fled with the utmost precipitation. Lieut.-Col. Washington discovering that the cavalry were cutting down our riflemen on the left, charged them with such firmness as obliged them to retire in confusion. The enemy were entirely routed, and the pursuit continued upwards of twenty miles. Our loss was inconsiderable, not having more than twelve killed and sixty wounded. The enemy's loss was to commissioned officers and over 100 rank and file killed and 200 wounded, 29 commissioned officers and about 500 privates prisoners which fell into our hands with two pieces of artillery, two standards, 800 muskets, one travelling forge, thirty-five baggage wagons, seventy negroes and upwards of 100 dragoon horses, with all their musick. They destroyed most of the baggage which was immense. Although our success was complete we fought only 800 men and were opposed by upwards of one thousand chosen British Troops. Such was the inferiority of our numbers that our success must be attributed, under God, to the justice of our cause and the bravery of our Troops. My wishes would induce me to mention the name of every private centinel in the Corps. In justice to the brave and good conduct of the officers, I have taken the liberty to enclose you a list of their names from a conviction that you will be pleased to introduce such characters to the world. Major Giles, my aid de camp, and Captain Brooks, acting as Brigade Major, deserves to have my thanks for their assistance and behavior on this occasion. The Baron de Glabuck, who accompanies Major Giles with these despatches, behaved in such manner as to merit your attention.

I am sir, Your obedient servant,

DAN MORGAN

Brig. Gen. Andrew Pickens (1739-1817)

Andrew Pickens was born in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, on September 19, 1739. Like many early Scots-Irish immigrants, Andrew's family moved south, traveling the Great Wagon Road in search of new land. Records show they lived first in Augusta County in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia, later in the Waxhaws along the North Carolina-South Carolina border, and, eventually, in the Long Cane settlement in Abbeville County, South Carolina, bordering Georgia.
In the Long Canes, Pickens married and started a family. He not only farmed and raised cattle, he became acquainted with his Indian neighbors through a prosperous trading business. As the American Revolution approached, Pickens, as many of his Scots-Irish neighbors, became an ardent Patriot.
It was in the Long Canes, too, that he emerged as a military leader, first in expeditions against the Cherokee, who had allied with the Loyalists in hopes of retaining their lands. In 1779, Pickens would distinguish himself in a Revolutionary War battle. That year, British commander Sir Henry Clinton sent British soldiers to South Carolina and North Georgia to encourage Loyalist support. Colonel Pickens and his three-hundred man militia, in efforts to aid the Patriot cause, overtook and defeated a much larger force of 700-800 men under Colonel James Boyd at Kettle Creek in North Georgia just south of the Long Canes.
The victory at Kettle Creek slowed the recruitment of Loyalists, but by 1780, the British dominated as they took Charleston, captured the southern continental army, and swept inland from coastal Carolina. The situation looked so gloomy, that Pickens and other militia leaders surrendered to the British, and, on oath, agreed to sit out the war under British protection.
Pickens’ parole did not last. When Tory raiders destroyed much of his property and terrorized his family, Pickens gathered his militia again and resumed guerrilla activities against the British. He played a key role in defeating British Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton at the Battle of Cowpens, January 17, 1781. The victory came at a crucial time for Patriots in the South who had been repeatedly forced to retreat. Pickens, who with his militia arrived as reinforcements, urged Major General Daniel Morgan to make a stand. According to one source, Pickens offered to stand alone with his militia if necessary. Morgan was convinced to make a stand and relied heavily on Pickens’ militia in the ensuing battle. The militia, in fact, got off two shots before their planned retreat, something not done in previous battles, and re-formed to help envelop the enemy. The bravery of the militia, combined with the well-disciplined Continental troops and Colonel William Washington’s cavalry, won the day in this pivotal battle.
After the Revolution, Pickens acquired land in frontier South Carolina on the banks of the Keowee River, across from the old Cherokee town of Seneca. There, he built a house he called Hopewell and lived the life of the backcountry elite. There, too, he served as a political middleman between the Cherokees and the new American nation. Pickens had borrowed heavily from Cherokee warfare skills, and applied those skills in partisan warfare, including the victory at Cowpens. For his "spirited conduct" at Cowpens, the Continental Congress presented Pickens with a sword, and the State of South Carolina promoted him to Brigadier-General in the state militia.

(Source: "Andrew Pickens," by G. Scott Withrow, http://www.nps.gov/archive/cowp/pickens.htm)

"The Battle Ground of Kings Mountain"

THE BATTLE GROUND OF KINGS MOUNTAIN IN SOUTH CAROLINA
There never has been any uncertainty as to the actual location of the ground on which the Battle of Kings Mountain was fought, but due to the defects and limitations in early maps, the battle has frequently been described as occurring in North Carolina. Many of the early maps show "King Mountain" north of the boundary line, with none of the mountain symbols extending into South Carolina. As a result the battle was accredited to North Carolina.
In 1772 a portion of the boundary between the two Carolinas was surveyed from the Catawba River westwardly. The origin of this portion of the boundary was the center of the junction of the Catawba and the South Fork of the Catawba. From this junction the line was to run due west to the mountains and there connect with the boundary of the Cherokee Nation.
The Price and Strother map, engraved in 1808, which purports to be "The First Actual Survey of the State of North Carolina," shows the 1772 line crossing the Broad River 1¼ miles south of the east and west line through the junction of the Broad and the First Broad. This corresponds with the distance on the Gaffney quadrangle of the United States Geological Survey. By other checks of the 1772 line where it crosses streams, with the United States Geological Survey of the line, it is evident that both lines are one and the same.
On the Price and Strother map, and on all other maps subsequent to 1772 for many years, the boundary line from the junction of the branches of the Catawba is shown as running due west. It was later discovered that due to magnetic errors the line was run north of west. The United States Geological Survey maps show that this deviation is about 2½º. The 1772 line has been resurveyed and confirmed, but never has it been changed between the Catawba and the mountains, 68 miles west. The latitude of the 1772 line near its initial point is 35º 09' 01.5". An inspection of the Kings Mountain quadrangle will show that the battle ground is much farther south, hence had the line been run due west, as was intended, the battle ground would nevertheless be within the borders of South Carolina.

Source: publication of the Historical Section of the Army War College, 1928, excerpt, as requested...
"70th Congress, 1st Session, House Resolution No. 230, presented by Mr. [William] Stevenson:
Resolved, That the historical statements concerning the Battle of the Cowpens, South Carolina, of January 17, 1781, and the Battle of Kings Mountain, South Carolina, October 7, 1780, both prepared by the Historical Section of the Army War College, be printed, with illustrations, as a document.
William Tyler Page, Clerk"